Friday, July 31, 2020

The Price Students Pay When Schools Are Closed

Teacher Kara McGrath, 42, waits as second-graders file into her room at Harding Elementary School in Erie, Pa., on the first day of classes for the Erie School District on September 3, 2019.

Numerous school districts are announcing plans to return to the online education they attempted last spring or to open their schools only with highly restrictive regulations on the teaching and learning experience. The primary consideration in making these decisions has to do with calculations as to the effect of school operations on the spread of Covid-19. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention have put “a sharp focus on the necessity of in-person learning, outlining the social, emotional, and physical toll on students if they aren’t in the classroom,” but the agency “also emphasizes that there is a physical risk to returning.” Yet too little attention is being given to the educational price being asked of students, though many parents are beginning to think about exploring home schooling, micro-schools, tutors, and other alternatives. Just as workers lose jobs and businesses risk bankruptcy when a public health emergency shuts down an economy, so students pay a high price when governments place public health concerns above educational ones. Only with a full understanding of the great costs of staying closed will policymakers be able to make a proper decision about whether those costs are outweighed by the potential risk of further spreading the virus to the students, their families, and the faculty and staff. In my view, the question isn’t close. Following are seven ways in which students—and the nation as a whole—lose out when schools are closed or their operations are sharply restricted.

  1. Every year—indeed, every month—counts, if students are to fulfill their potential.

Economists have estimated that each additional year of schooling yields a return over an economic lifetime of somewhere between 8 percent to 13 percent, with consensus estimates hovering around a 10 percent return. Studies of twins show that these returns are not simply a function of genetic differences between those with more or less education. Research also suggests that a year of elementary school and high school yields about as large a return as does another year of college.

But do students lose much if schools close for a portion of a year? One answer to this question is to be found in studies of learning loss during summer vacation. Some researchers show a widening of gaps between students from more and less advantaged homes; others are yet to be convinced. But researchers agree that students, on average, fail to make the same educational progress over the summer that they make during the school year.

Other evidence comes from school closures that happen unexpectedly when severe weather, teacher strikes, and/or wartime conditions preclude school operations. The most frequent cause, adverse weather events, has been repeatedly shown to have negative impacts on student performance exams taken at the end of the school year. Students performed less well on tests in North Carolina districts hit hard by Hurricane Floyd. Results are much the same for closures due to snowstorms in Minnesota and severe weather in Colorado and Oregon. In Maryland, an average of five days of weather-induced school closures shifted test-score performance downward by 3 percent among children in 3rd grade. Less extreme losses were registered by older children. One study suggests partial school closures may be worse than complete shutdowns. If a school remains open but absenteeism is rampant, the challenges of coordinating instruction across students with differential attendance contributes to learning loss. A study of the effects of Hurricane Katrina found that affected suburban students were 3 to 4 percentage points less likely to enroll in college. However, students attending schools in New Orleans benefited from the disruption, as their new schools provided a better learning experience than those previously attended in the “Big Easy.”

Teacher strikes are the second most frequent cause of school closures. During the first decade of this century a series of strikes in Ontario, Canada adversely affected growth in elementary-student test performance. A second study found particularly large negative impacts for disadvantaged children. In South Africa, the adverse effects of strikes were greatest for marginalized students. In Belgium, a May-to-December strike in 1990 resulted in higher levels of student retention from one year to the next and lower levels of educational attainment over the long run. When repeated strike-induced disruptions occurred between 1983 and 2018 in Argentina, those in affected cohorts lost an average of a half year of schooling. Those impacted by the strike were less likely to pursue postsecondary education and suffered an average lifetime earnings loss of 3.2 percent for males and 1.9 percent for females. In Chile, in 2011, it was a student strike that essentially closed the schools. The increase in student absenteeism of 10 percentage points was associated with a 3-percentage-point decline in the probability of enrolling in a university.

A profound closing of schools occurred in Europe during World War II. Forty years later the annual earnings of cohorts of students affected by the closures were reduced by somewhere between 9 percent and 16 percent. The price paid by children of less educated parents was even larger.

  1. Online learning is no substitute for classroom instruction.

Many schools attempted to provide online instruction when schools were closed in the spring and early summer of 2020. Virtual learning is very likely better than no education at all, but at its present stage of development, it remains a poor substitute for classroom instruction in elementary and secondary schools. Even at the community college level, virtual learning is less effective than classroom instruction.

The adverse effects of online learning at the elementary and secondary level are best documented by studies of virtual charter schools. Numerous studies show lower performance by students at virtual charters than by those attending nearby public schools. A study of virtual schools in Indiana reaches the following conclusions:

We find the impact of attending a virtual charter on student achievement is uniformly and profoundly negative, equating to a third of a standard deviation in English/language arts (ELA) and a half of a standard deviation in math. This equates to a loss of roughly 11 percentile points in ELA and 16 percentile points in math for an average virtual charter student at baseline as compared to their public school peers.

Nor is there any evidence that public schools operated by school districts fared any better with online education when they switched from classroom instruction to virtual learning in the spring of 2020. “For most children, the school year effectively ended in March,” observes University of Michigan economist Susan Dynarski. According to surveys administered by the EdWeek Research Center during spring closures, “teachers report they’re spending less time on instruction overall, and they’re spending more time on review and less on introducing new material. Nationally, on average, teachers say they’re working two fewer hours per day than when they were in their classrooms. And they estimate that their students are spending half as much time on learning—3 hours a day—as they were before the coronavirus.” The Center on Reinventing Public Education reports the following results from a nationally representative survey of school districts in the United States: “Just 1 in 3 districts has been expecting all teachers to deliver instruction.” The researchers find large disparities depending on the wealth and well-being of the district: Districts with the most affluent students were twice as likely as the districts with the highest concentrations of low-income students to require at least some teachers to provide live, real-time instruction.” In a survey of parents conducted by Education Next in May 2020, 71 percent said their child learned less, with 29 percent saying a lot less, after their school closed; only 13 percent said their child learned more.

  1. Rules and regulations reduce learning.

The quality of the experience at school is at least as important as regular attendance itself. Many states and school districts contemplating a partial reopening are setting conditions for school operations that will degrade the learning environment. If suggested plans come to fruition, in many districts only half the students are to be invited back at any given time, teachers and students are to wear masks for much of the school day, repetitive temperature taking and sanitation are to consume large blocks of school time, and sports, recess, and physical exercise are to be heavily restricted. All these policies are certain to limit the learning that will take place.

The most important factor affecting school quality is the teacher. Students who have higher-quality teachers are more likely to perform better on standard tests, graduate from college, earn more during their productive years, and avoid incarceration. When teachers are masked, it degrades their effectiveness in the classroom. Students find masked adults hard to hear, difficult to understand, and, in the absence of detectable facial expressions, challenging to interpret. It is even worse for teachers asked to understand masked students who articulate and project their thoughts less clearly than a trained adult.

Masks are hot, uncomfortable, and stuffy. They interfere with normal, relaxed breathing. In these kinds of hot, stuffy, uncomfortable, poorly ventilated circumstances, learning is degraded.

In the absence of air conditioning, students perform less well on end-of-year tests in years marked by a disproportionate number of extremely hot school days. Excessive heat and poor ventilation also increase student absenteeism. Conversely, an attractive school setting has a positive effect on student performance.

Time spent on task is closely associated with the amount of learning that takes place. But frequent hand washing, temperature taking, and other sanitation requirements subtracts the time available for instruction.

To allow students to sit six feet apart inside a classroom, many districts are planning to invite only half of the students to school at any one time. The plan is to invite half on the first two days of the school week, with the other half on the last two days, leaving the schools closed on Wednesdays for cleaning and maintenance. This essentially closes the schools to students for 60 percent of the time that this distancing rule remains in effect.

  1. Closing schools damages the social and emotional well-being of children and young people

Many benefits of schooling are priceless. It is at school where students develop friendships, learn to be patient and to trust others, become more goal-oriented, and acquire valuable social and communication skills. Social and emotional learning at school is crucial for the development of the person. Grit, the ability to pursue success despite the odds, is learned in part inside a well-run schoolhouse. The acquisition of these skills is invaluable in and of itself, and the skills also contribute to student achievement. A review of multiple studies finds that young people are as much as three times more likely to develop depression in the future due to social isolation, with the impact of loneliness on mental health lasting up to nine years later.

  1. Closing schools places the physical health of young people at risk.

Public schools provide a vehicle for a wide variety of public health and social services. Schools administer vaccines, conduct ear and eye examinations, serve free and reduced-price lunch to students from low-income households, provide emergency nursing care, and identify children at risk of abuse in other settings. Public health measures that close an official institutional agency that reaches into all segments of the child and adolescent population increase the risk of accidents, infections, illness, malnutrition, and premature fatalities.

The closure of schools in spring 2020 has reduced the number of vaccinations administered for a variety of serious child-related diseases. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, orders for vaccines for measles and related diseases declined beginning the week of March 16, 2020. That the decline was affected by school closings is suggested by the steeper rate of decline among those over the age of two than for very young infants and toddlers.

Millions of students are nourished by the federal free and reduced-price lunch program. But when schools are not open, there is no convenient way for the schools to transport lunches to the children. Districts have tried to reach children by announcing the availability of school lunch boxes at specific sites, but this has required substantial efforts by parents to access lunches, leaving a sizable segment of students without access to the program. And if schools open with highly restrictive social distancing rules, the problem is nearly as severe. “Right now, kids have about 20 minutes to eat their meal,” says one school administrator. “If [we have] them coming into the cafeteria and keeping six feet apart, they’ll take 20 minutes just to get through [the lunch line], let alone them sitting down and having that time to eat.”

The loss of sports and physical exercise opportunities have already had a massive impact on students since school closed. According to a survey by GENYOUth, “Over half (54.5 percent) feel their physical activities have been disrupted with lower income kids at 63 percent. For many kids, sports are a path to an affordable higher education, as well as an invaluable source of leadership skills, self-discipline, team-work skill development and personal identity.”

  1. School closures and online learning widen gaps between advantaged and disadvantaged students.

The achievement gap between students from higher and lower socioeconomic backgrounds remains as wide in the second decade of the 21st century as it was 50 years earlier. If schools remain closed or opened only partially and fitfully, the gap will almost certainly enlarge for the current student generation. The effects of closures, digital learning, and restrictive controls on pedagogical settings shall be far more detrimental for those students who already have learning deficiencies or do not have access to alternative educational resources in the home or elsewhere. As discussed above, school closures have larger negative effects on student outcomes if a student comes from a disadvantaged background. Online learning is less effective with those who are less academically prepared. Disadvantaged students are more dependent upon the school system for vaccinations, eye and ear examinations, school lunches, identification of child abuse, and a host of other social services.

  1. Closing schools and degrading school quality damage the human capital the country depends upon.

Just as schooling is critical for developing the economic potential of the individual, it is no less important for enhancing the wealth of nations. The average number of years students are in school is highly correlated with the size of a country’s gross national product. It is not just the number of school years that is important. The quality of a school—the amount of learning that takes place—is also associated with the rate of economic growth. Even within the United States, those states with higher-performing schools are the states experiencing the most rapid economic growth.

Paul E. Peterson is the Henry Lee Shattuck Professor of Government at Harvard University, director of Harvard’s Program on Education Policy and Governance, and senior editor of Education Next.

Read more from Education Next on coronavirus and Covid-19.

The post The Price Students Pay When Schools Are Closed appeared first on Education Next.

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Guide Federal Stimulus Cash to Poor Students

After months of anticipation, Senate Republicans finally released their bid for the next big Covid-19 relief bill this week, dubbed the HEALS act. The headline news for K–12 education is the proposal to steer the bulk of education aid to schools that open for in-person instruction, which is triggering angry reactions from most of the education establishment.

It’s hard to imagine that idea surviving negotiations with House Democrats. But if members of Congress are looking for less controversial and more constructive strings to attach to Uncle Sam’s help, here’s a suggestion: Return federal education policy to its roots and require schools to provide “targeted assistance” to their disadvantaged, low-achieving students. Rather than just letting schools dump their federal funds into a general pot that can be used for almost anything, make them steer Washington’s dollars into customized help for the kids who need it most. In other words, roll back the clock to 1965, when Congress birthed Title I with the goal of providing extra help for disadvantaged students, not schools.

Let’s recall a bit of history.

The question of whether federal aid would actually help kids learn more has been top of mind for policymakers ever since Senator Robert F. Kennedy famously asked if there was a way to make sure that money wouldn’t “just be completely wasted.” He was right to be concerned: The first wave of Title I funds was spent on all manner of nonsense, football uniforms included.

But the policy response to that problem created new headaches, as Congress demanded a clear audit trail showing Title I dollars being spent on the children who were the intended beneficiaries. Districts followed orders and soon were setting up separate and unequal Title I “programs” that often pulled kids away from qualified teachers to get low-quality remedial help instead. Guess what? That didn’t work, either.

So a quarter-century ago policymakers hit upon a new formula: Don’t micromanage how schools spend the money—and in fact, allow high-poverty schools to spend the money on everyone, via core “schoolwide” programs—but hold them accountable for results. This was simpatico with the standards-and-accountability movement that was then getting off the ground.

Judging by outcomes, that strategy worked reasonably well, at least for a time, both in terms of academic progress for the lowest-performing kids, and in higher graduation rates. But the backlash was fierce, and the politics could not hold, especially as parents and educators railed against “too much testing,” which came with few tangible benefits for individual kids. So the Every Student Succeeds Act all but obliterated the consequences part of “consequential accountability,” instead allowing states to do almost nothing when faced with chronically low-performing schools, and not even requiring them to issue school ratings anymore. To their credit, most states kept school ratings anyway, and about a dozen even had praiseworthy A–F systems. And then the pandemic struck.

Enter Covid-19

Now we’re facing the start of a school year unlike any other in history, one that will feature “remote learning” for virtually all public school students. The only question is whether it will be three days a week or five. And given the high number of cases, and the lengthy delays in coronavirus test results, in-person instruction looks to be the exception rather than the rule, especially in metropolitan America. Meanwhile, state accountability systems are sure to be suspended, even if testing returns in spring 2021. So we won’t really have “schools” as we typically picture them, and we won’t have results-based accountability, either.

So here’s the big idea: At least for as long as the pandemic lasts, let’s return to the notion that districts should be held accountable for helping individual kids who are falling behind. Let’s get back to targeted programs for struggling students.

I know what some of you middle-aged policy wonks are thinking: Mike’s about to propose bringing back Supplemental Educational Services! This was perhaps the least successful aspect of NCLB, a Frankenstein destined to fall on its face from the moment it was born. The idea was that low-income students in low-performing Title I schools would enjoy the ability to access extra services of their own choosing—after school or on the weekends—to help them catch up. And these services could be offered by a panoply of non-profit and for-profit providers, along with the school systems themselves. In fact, originally the school systems were not allowed to provide the services if they themselves were considered to be “in need of improvement.”

It was a mess. States were supposed to set up systems to vet potential providers; most did a terrible job. Districts were supposed to give providers classroom space and let parents know that these services were available—but they had every incentive to play games and hide the ball because the payments came straight from their Title I allotments. A few vendors were sincere about offering good tutoring and such, but plenty just chased the money. Eventually it was allowed to quietly disappear.

So that didn’t work. But there was something to the underlying notion: get extra help to the kids who need it most, especially in the form of tutoring.

In the current context, there are couple of ways that Congress could immediately shift federal funding back to a focus on individual students. First, lawmakers could disallow “schoolwide” Title I programs for the current year. To tap Title I, and maybe new stimulus funds, schools would identify eligible Title I students (i.e., those disadvantaged students who are “identified by the school as failing, or most at risk of failing, to meet the challenging State academic standards,” according to ESSA) and then spend these dollars on services designed to address their needs.

Second, Congress could funnel money into ESSA’s “direct student services” provision, which is a bit like the old Supplemental Services program, but run by districts instead of outsourced. This would likely go down easier with districts, given that it wouldn’t upend their spending plans and accounting systems in the same way that eliminating “schoolwide” Title I programs would. Either approach could mean more individualized attention, especially in the form of much-needed online tutoring, for the kids most at risk of falling even further behind. That would be an important contribution.

As a side benefit, it might also help to restore a constituency for assessments, as parents would see a clear benefit resulting from diagnostic testing. Shifting the accountability conversation from “identifying and intervening in struggling schools” to “identifying and providing extra help to struggling students” would be a win for ed reform advocates, now and in the future.

Let’s not fool ourselves: No school in the country is going to engage in serious “improvement” efforts this year. Nor will there be any “schoolwide” initiatives to help students reach high standards, given that there won’t really be “schools.” Rather than keep up the pretense of normalcy, federal policy should embrace the chance to focus on individual students instead.

Mike Petrilli is president of the Thomas B. Fordham Institute, research fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution, and executive editor of Education Next.

This post originally appeared in Flypaper.

Read more from Education Next on coronavirus and Covid-19.

The post Steer Federal Stimulus Money to Poor Students appeared first on Education Next.

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Thursday, July 30, 2020

Beth | A Socially Distanced Conversation: President Obama and Vice President Biden

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What a Democratic Sweep This Fall Would Mean for Education

Joe Biden speaks at a campaign stop in Hampton, N.H.

It’s looking entirely possible that Democrats will emerge from November with unified control of the White House and Congress. There’s a lot of time until Election Day, but no one expects Republicans to threaten in the House, the Senate looks to be in reach for the Democrats, and Joe Biden has a sizable lead on President Trump—with polls suggesting that voters may be ready to pull down the curtain on the Trump Show.

That raises the question of what might lie ahead. Amid all that we’ve been through in the past six months, it’s a query that’s fallen by the wayside. But it’s one worth pondering, as unified Democratic control of Washington could lead, for good or ill, to some profound changes in American education.

Why is that? Well, four constraints that long served to narrow the scope of federal education policymaking have largely given way. The most important is the increasing talk among influential Democrats—including Biden—of abolishing the Senate filibuster. This means that a bare majority would be enough to pass major legislation. It’s hard to overstate just how big an impact this could have on federal education policy.

Second, it’s tough to imagine that the green-eyeshade types will be much of a check on spending after a Republican president who ridicules concerns about the federal debt and after a coronavirus response that has sidelined talk of fiscal probity. Third, both political parties have grown far more homogenous, so the kind of intra-party squabbling that frustrated Presidents Bush and Obama is less likely to plague the Democratic caucus in the year to come. Finally, the give-and-take brand of compromise that once restrained both parties has been smashed to pieces.

So what does all this mean? The upshot is that, come January 2021, Democrats could be in a position to enact an education agenda that would’ve been inconceivable just a few years ago. How things actually unfold will depend on presidential priorities, where things stand with COVID-19, and much else. But here are a handful of remarkably ambitious proposals that could race through a Democratic Congress if Mr. Biden takes up residence at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue and the filibuster is no more:

  • Big New K-12 Outlays. Biden is promising to triple funding for Title I to $45 billion per year, increase federal outlays for IDEA, and double the number of “psychologists, guidance counselors, nurses, social workers, and other health professionals” in schools.
  • Free College: Biden has promised to make up to two years of community college free for all students. He’s also “endorsed Sen. Bernie Sanders’ original proposal to make public colleges and universities free for families earning below $125,000 a year.” And Biden’s plan is more modest than what some influential Democrats have endorsed. One can certainly imagine, for instance, a more expansive Sanders-Warren plan getting traction.
  • Debt Forgiveness. Biden would forgive all undergraduate “tuition-related” student debt for borrowers who earn less than $125,000 a year and attended public community colleges or four-year institutions. Biden has also backed Senator Elizabeth Warren’s call to immediately cancel at least $10,000 of student debt per person.
  • Equality Act. If Democrats scrap the filibuster, they’d almost certainly enact the Equality Act, which adds “sexual orientation” and “gender identity” to Title II of the 1964 Civil Rights Act while expanding the law’s definition of public accommodations and circumscribing the reach of the Religious Freedom Restoration Act. The result would require changes in policies governing athletics, dress codes, locker rooms, dormitories, single-sex schools, and more.
  • Teachers Unions. Biden promises to enact two changes that would hugely benefit the NEA and AFT. Biden has pledged to “establish a federal right to union organizing and collective bargaining for all public-sector employees” and to “ban state laws” which stop unions from collecting fees “from all workers who benefit from union representation” (effectively reversing Janus v. AFSCME).
  • School Choice. Biden’s proposals are less ambitious here than on many other fronts. He pledges to put an end to the D.C. Opportunity Scholarship program and to stop federal funds from going to for-profit charter schools. While prominent congressional Democrats have called for much more, including a moratorium on charter schooling, this is one place where splits in the Democratic caucus will limit what gets done.
  • Title IX. Biden has promised a “quick end” to Secretary DeVos’s Title IX rules. DeVos’s rules reversed Obama-era guidance by adding due-process protections for accused students and relieving schools of some legal liabilities. Biden would reinstate Obama administration Title IX guidance that encouraged schools to aggressively expand investigations of misconduct.
  • Universal Preschool and Child Care. Biden has sketched a 10-year, $775 billion proposal to promote universal preschool for 3- and 4-year-olds, new federal funds to support the construction of new child-care facilities, and an $8,000 tax credit to help low-income families pay for child care.

Every president is elected with a long laundry list of promises. It’s usually a mistake to make too much of them. But, come January, the usual rules may go out the door. If Biden winds up enacting even half of this agenda, it could fundamentally alter the shape of American education. Almost unremarked amidst the focus on COVID-19, school closures, this summer’s protests, and our fierce culture wars, we could be just over three months out from the most momentous education election in American history.

Frederick Hess is director of education policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute and an executive editor of Education Next.

This post originally appeared on Rick Hess Straight Up.

The post What a Democratic Sweep This Fall Would Mean for Education appeared first on Education Next.

By: Frederick Hess
Title: What a Democratic Sweep This Fall Would Mean for Education
Sourced From: www.educationnext.org/what-democratic-sweep-this-fall-would-mean-education/
Published Date: Thu, 30 Jul 2020 05:00:39 +0000

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Wednesday, July 29, 2020

Reimagining Civic Education for the Digital Age

Louise Dubé is the executive director of iCivics, a digital platform that provides civics education resources for middle and high school students. Founded by Justice Sandra Day O’Connor in 2009 with the goal of reimagining civics education, iCivics today reaches more than 7 million students in all 50 states. Dubé has led iCivics since 2014. Prior to iCivics, she was the managing director of digital learning at WGBH, a PBS station in Boston. I’m co-chairing a task force that is working to implement the NEH and U.S. DOE-funded “Roadmap for Excellence in Civics Education” coordinated by iCivics.

Rick Hess: What is iCivics?

Louise Dubé

Louise Dubé: In short, iCivics is the largest digital civic education provider in the country. Our mission is to reimagine civic education for civic strength.

Justice Sandra Day O’Connor founded the organization in 2009 with the goal of transforming civic education and making it accessible to every student in America. We do this by creating educational video games and digital lessons that teach the fundamentals of how American democracy and its institutions work. Over the past decade, we’ve developed 16 interactive games that simulate everything from how to run for president to how to run a local county government to how to accurately understand today’s complicated media—as well as hundreds of digital lesson plans for teachers. All of this is free to use and completely nonpartisan. iCivics is currently used by more than 120,000 educators and 7.5 million students each year. Recently, due to Covid-19, our new registrations are up 120 percent.

In 2017, we realized that no matter how much we grew, we would not fulfill the vision of Justice O’Connor unless the country made a fundamental change in how civic education was viewed and made it a priority to educate students for American democracy. So we founded CivXNow, a coalition of 132 civic education providers, presidential libraries, after-school programs, philanthropic leaders, researchers, and others who are working to re-establish civic education as a priority in K-12 schools.

Hess: How did iCivics get started?

Justice Sandra Day O’Connor

Dubé: During the latter part of her career, Justice O’Connor became increasingly aware that Americans simply did not understand how our system of government works and was concerned that this would lead to civic disengagement. She realized that civics had been deprioritized from schools since the 1960s, and it was still by and large taught the way it had been during the 1950s. It wasn’t designed for today’s students. When she retired in 2006, she made it her mission to solve this problem and researched different avenues with a small group of confidants, most of them her former clerks.

They thought about interactive books, and even started a website with civic-lesson plans, but it didn’t work. She then had a meeting with James Gee, a professor of literacy studies at Arizona State University who is widely considered the godfather of game-based learning. Over the course of a 45-minute meeting, Gee introduced her to educational games and why they are so effective. For instance, instead of a teacher telling a student about the process of running a campaign, we can simulate the experience of polling, raising funds, and picking a platform—and it can be fun. Justice O’Connor and video games may seem an odd couple, but she bought in. Ten years and 16 games later, we’re certain she made the right decision.

Hess: What’s your philosophy for trying to do this work?

Dubé: To me, building the civic strength of the United States is perhaps the most essential thing we can do in the current time. Our future depends on the resilience and civic bonds we build. Right now, these bonds are frayed and under severe stress, which is understandable in a nation as diverse and complex as ours—the oldest democracy in the world. Schools have a critical role to play, as a significant point of aggregation. We seek to educate and to find common, yet substantial, ground from which to evolve our constitutional democracy. Our goal must be to educate FOR civic agency and to build commitment to our nation. For us at iCivics, that means that our instructional materials need to lead to a greater and deeper understanding of our system of government and a commitment to be involved in civic life.

We also have a duty to support every student. This is part of our commitment to equity, diversity, and inclusion. We must tell the full story of our country: the great achievements and the ugly histories. Guided by Justice Sotomayor, we’ve spent a tremendous amount of effort making all of our new games ELL accessible. But we also know that games won’t work for every student. It’s up to us as a field to create opportunities—whether it’s simulations or research projects or case studies or civic projects—that bring civics to life and show students that civics isn’t just a piece of a social studies curriculum but a way to solve the challenges they and their communities face.

Hess: What’s involved in synthesizing and building out the knowledge base of civic education?

Dubé: In many ways, the challenges to building the civic-knowledge base in our country are no different from the challenges to education more broadly: How do you ensure that instruction is provided with purpose and yields deeper learning? Can students recall facts or can they notice patterns, make connections, develop skills that will remain with them over the course of their civic lives? This struggle is one we have in every discipline.

I think there is broad agreement about what students need to know but less about how to get there. We need a shift in the pedagogical approach, which needs to be developed in partnership with educators. As an illustration, you can teach myriad historical facts that populate the current state standards, such as the Sugar Act, the Stamp Act, and the Tea Act, and have a student never connect any of these to the main arguments in the Declaration of Independence. We need to make explicit the goals of instruction. Historical context and depth of knowledge are incredibly important. And that requires a different conversation from whether knowledge is more important than action. Knowledge without understanding is not useful. Action without knowledge is dangerous. Depth of understanding matters, as does how this understanding applies today. That is long-term and difficult work, but it is critical.

Hess: Last year, your organization was the recipient of a major National Endowment for the Humanities grant to assess the state of teaching of American history, civics, and government in K-12 education. Can you talk a bit about how you’re approaching that work?

Dubé: The NEH and the U.S. Department of Education are funding a project that we’re calling “Educating for American Democracy; A Roadmap for Excellence in Civics Education.” Our goal is to create a new instructional direction for history and civics for today’s learners, with the explicit purpose to bind students to our constitutional democracy.

While iCivics is the grantee organization, the project was designed as a deep collaboration with Arizona State, Harvard, and Tufts universities. This truly is a project of the collective. Many different voices, across political viewpoints, are joining to create a “Roadmap” that schools can use. The project calls for two convenings, one at Louisiana State University and one at Arizona State University, where more than 100 scholars and practitioners in history, political science, and education will discuss how to integrate history and civics education in America’s K-12 schools. Once the “Roadmap” is complete, we will present a written report at a large convening in Washington. The “Roadmap” will highlight how to integrate history and civics instruction by grade band; contain seven themes across history, political science and civics and directly address the challenges still present in our nation; suggest approaches for teaching the “Roadmap”; illustrate the “Roadmap” across various instructional contexts; and lay out action steps for how to move instruction in this direction.

Hess: You’ve been at the helm of iCivics for nearly six years. What’s surprised you about the work in that time and what have you learned that you didn’t know going in?

Dubé: Civic education was getting little attention when I came. The field operated with almost no funding, tepid demand from teachers, and little innovation. Much of that has changed. The field is undergoing a transformation in leadership and a rethinking about how diversity and equity must be addressed. I believe there is more innovation now and more demand from educators. There are still enormous challenges in diversity, equity, and inclusion that need to be addressed.

The protests in the aftermath of the killing of George Floyd shed light on just how far we still need to go in order to create a truly equitable civic education. It’s not just about access and inclusion. It’s about realizing that we have been teaching civics primarily from one perspective, that of the white male. We need to make sure that we are teaching civics from the perspective of all Americans, and that means giving better historical context to what we are teaching so that we no longer gloss over systemic racism, but give students the tools to address it.

Beyond that, I don’t think I understood how difficult the funding challenges would be nor how difficult it would be to make the case. Even though it is essentially a public responsibility, the government barely funds civic education. The STEM field had a Sputnik moment, and our country rallied to increase resources and support the field. We have made tremendous progress in STEM as a result. But STEM will not thrive without a functioning democracy. While you’re correct that the field is getting more attention, it has not had an infusion of resources to match that need. The deterioration of the conditions of our constitutional democracy took decades. The scale of what needs to happen is substantial, and this is a long-term project. We need to build support in the funding community for such a long-term investment, and show how it will pay off. That is proving the most difficult part of our work.

Hess: I frequently feel like a lot of the interest around civic education is largely a product of the fact that many funders and advocates were horrified by the election of Donald Trump. Is this a fair assessment? Either way, what are the implications of this for the future of this work?

Dubé: Some advocates were spurred by the election of Donald Trump certainly, but many of us in the field have been concerned about the marginalization of civics since long before the 2016 election. We were, and continue to be, concerned about the lack of faith in democracy as a system of government among young people worldwide. Democracy is messy at all times. But over many years, some of our institutions have become corroded, and in many cases no longer reflect the values they were built to secure. Add to that a digital commons that amplifies the extremes, and you have a recipe for deteriorating civic resilience. The lead up to the 2016 election, its aftermath, and the current political arena demonstrate very starkly just how polarized our country is and how much work we need to do in order to re-establish positive civil discourse. Wherever the impetus is coming from, we are seeing increased interest in shoring up civil discourse, building civic knowledge, and developing civic agency in young people. I find that incredibly rewarding.

Hess: There’s a lot of bipartisan support when it comes to civics education, but it often seems facile—a mile wide and an inch deep. It can feel like there are substantial disagreements over what we want students to learn but that it’s tough to surface or address these in constructive ways. Is that fair? How do you see us dealing with these tensions?

Dubé: I agree with you. We need to provide the spaces for people who come from diverse perspectives to have what will be difficult conversations. If people come to the issue of civics education as a way to get a “win” for their political point of view, they have come to the wrong field.

There is energy in civics education at the state level. You can see that in the fact that last legislative session, state governments across the country heard more than 80 bills on civic education, many with unanimous bipartisan support. We know from surveys that civic education has a great deal of support among the population and that it is getting attention from governors across the political spectrum. But you’re right to point out that it means different things to different people. There are often disagreements about what civic education legislation should and could look like. There are debates over certain topics such as the Immigration and Naturalization test and action civics. And there are differing ideas about logistics such as how to fund legislation and how much a state can mandate over individual school districts. These debates need to be resolved locally.

Hess: OK, last question. What’s one big thing that would make a big difference for civics education?

Dubé: We need to take civic education seriously and see it as a requirement for our unique democracy. If we were able to achieve that, we would see changes in policy and in practice that would pay off. The resources needed to make this a reality are substantial, but they are not unrealistic. People—from parents to educators to people in positions of power—need to commit themselves to the importance of sustaining our constitutional democracy by educating every generation. That is going to mean a lot of things need to be done differently from how we do them now. The path we are on now is very dangerous.

This interview has been edited and condensed for clarity.

Frederick Hess is director of education policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute and an executive editor of Education Next.

This post originally appeared on Rick Hess Straight Up.

The post Reimagining Civic Education for the Digital Age appeared first on Education Next.

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Tuesday, July 28, 2020

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Homeschool Happens Everywhere

Homeschoolers in action at, from left, the White Plains Library in Westchester County, N.Y.; an extracurricular drumming class in Mount Rainier, Md., and a program that is a blend of homeschooling and traditional classroom instruction at Da Vinci Charter School in Hawthorne, Calif.

Homeschooled students are isolated and at urgent risk of harm from maltreatment, under-education, and parental abuse. That’s the case Harvard Law School professor Elizabeth Bartholet made in her recent call to ban the practice, which has been legal in all 50 U.S. states for more than a quarter-century. Ironically, Bartholet’s article in the Arizona Law Review appeared just as millions of parents were forced to turn to homeschooling temporarily, under stay-at-home orders that closed schools across the country.

It can be difficult to know precisely what, when, and how the nation’s homeschooled students are learning. After all, privacy and the freedom to explore education as families see fit, with limited government oversight, is a defining feature. But the best evidence we have indicates that homeschooled students are far from isolated.

By looking at a recent national survey of American households conducted by the U.S. Department of Education, I found that homeschooled students are more likely to participate in cultural and family activities than their public-school peers. They seem to spend less time on formal instruction in humanities subjects, but more time visiting libraries and museums and attending community events. If public exposure protects children
and cultural knowledge is a major goal for education, concerns that homeschooled students are in danger appear, at the very least, overblown.

Figure 1: A Growing Share of Homeschooled Students

Who Homeschools Their Children?

Homeschooling is both a growing and changing practice. The number of families reporting that they homeschool their children grew to 1.7 million by 2016, representing 3.3 percent of all U.S. students aged 5-17, according to the National Household Education Survey (see Figure 1). On that survey, a nationally representative sample of families also answered a range of questions about their demographics and levels of education. Responses were collected from 14,075 families in all, including 552 homeschool families across the United States.

Overall, homeschool parents are more likely to be white or Hispanic and are less likely to hold college degrees (see Figure 2). Some 55 percent of homeschool families are white compared to 49 percent of public-school families, and 29 percent of homeschool families are Hispanic compared to 22 percent in public schools. Homeschool families are also more likely to have three or more children than families in public or private schools. Some 32 percent of homeschool households include an adult with at least one college degree, compared to 36 percent of public-school families and 64 percent of families whose children attend private schools.

Figure 2: Characteristics of Homeschool Families

The 2016 National Household Education Survey also asked homeschool families questions about formal instruction and participation in enrichment activities, pointing to some of the ways in which the practice has evolved. Thanks to the Internet, homeschool families have more resources and share larger communities than in decades past. Online clearinghouses, blogs, and social-media groups for families who follow particular educational philosophies are readily available. Casual parent groups pool resources, formal homeschooling cooperatives bring students together for hands-on science experiments and dance classes, and homeschool sports leagues give students the opportunity to play on a team. On the survey, some 30 percent of homeschool families reported children received some instruction through a homeschool organization or cooperative.

In addition, with ever-expanding access to online content and educational technology, the term “hybrid homeschooling” has emerged to describe families who combine home education with part-time attendance at a virtual or brick-and-mortar school. According to the Education Commission of the States, 26 states allow homeschoolers to participate in enrichment activities at a local public school, and states like Vermont and Nevada have allowed homeschoolers to enroll in classes at public schools to augment their studies. And that doesn’t include the sorts of virtual learning programs that have become commonplace during the Covid-19 pandemic: live group enrichment classes like Outschool, online community-college courses, video teaching tools like Khan Academy, and individual tutoring via text and video chats.

A Cultural Concern

One worry about homeschooling rests on the idea of “cultural capital,” the valuable constellation of cultural knowledge, behaviors, tastes, and physical markers of status that help adults navigate their communities and boost their likelihood of success. When French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu introduced this idea in the late 1970s, he described cultural capital as a possession of the upper class, arguing that affluent individuals naturally transmit cultural capital to one another through rituals, practices, and values. Institutions, in theory, reward those who possess upper-class cultural capital, associating it with individual ability. Empirical research, however, suggests that cultural capital is not necessarily limited to the affluent.

In thinking about how to measure this intangible force, scholars have looked at exposure to various activities that may enable the acquisition of cultural capital, such as visiting an art gallery or museum, experiencing a live artistic performance, and visiting a zoo, aquarium, athletic event, or historical site. In looking specifically at children, scholars have also considered activities like visiting a bookstore or library and shared reading, as well as parent-child interactions like discussing books, music, or art.

Many traditional school experiences may impart cultural capital, such as participation in music and art classes, involvement in student clubs, and study of foreign-language and classical literature. So the concern for homeschooled students is that they lack access to these experiences at home. Supplies found in art rooms, books available in school libraries, and instruments accessible in music class could be cost-prohibitive for individual families to offer. A sole parent-teacher could struggle to be a multi-subject content expert in these many arenas. The common trope of the poorly socialized homeschooled student who knows little about the outside world is rooted in these assumptions.

However, what if this is not the case? The evolving nature of homeschooling could instead offer expanded opportunities for students to gain cultural capital. There appears to be a growing array of online education resources and part-time enrollment programs at postsecondary institutions. Homeschool days are common at child-friendly museums, as are references to homeschooling cooperatives. One-to-one instruction could progress at a faster pace than traditional group classes, freeing up more time for excursions and extracurricular activities (see “The Educational Value of Field Trips,” research, Winter 2014). The question is, how do homeschool families spend their time, and to what extent are they creating opportunities for students to obtain cultural capital?

The 2016 National Household Educational Survey offers a rich set of data to examine that question, though it has some limitations. First, the results are derived from self-reports, and respondents may overestimate their children’s participation in cultural and family activities. Given their unconventional decision to educate their children outside of formal education systems, homeschool families may be particularly susceptible to this social-desirability bias. Alternatively, their lack of regard for convention may make them worry less about what others think.

The activities covered by the survey also may not include the ways that families could provide different experiences for their children. For example, many if not most homeschool families are from conservative Christian households who report religious and moral instruction as key influences. This background may influence the types of cultural excursions they value.

Finally, the information the survey provides is relatively basic. For example, reports of formal instruction are based on a yes/no format and do not include the frequency or rigor of activities. Reports of family activities like arts and crafts or playing sports may simply capture the main activities of homeschooling rather than something above and beyond what students are doing for “school.”

What Homeschool Families Said

Families who reported educating their children at home were asked a range of questions about their homeschooling practices, including which adult primarily leads learning, how many days a week they homeschool, which subjects are taught, and whether their child receives instruction from a cooperative or school. All surveyed families answered questions about cultural and family activities. I compared reported participation in those activities by homeschool families and by families whose children attend public and private schools.

In terms of formal learning, 29 percent of homeschool families reported teaching all four main humanities subjects: art, music, foreign language, and literature. Another 29 percent reported teaching three of them, and 42 percent reported teaching two or less. This suggests that formal instructional opportunities for cultural-capital acquisition could be lacking for many homeschooled students. Even though only homeschool households report on the teaching of these subjects on the survey, other national data has indicated that students attending public schools tend to receive instruction in arts, music, literature, and foreign language at higher rates.

Homeschool organizations or cooperatives appear to increase the breadth of content to which homeschooled children receive exposure. Nearly three-quarters of families whose children receive group instruction report formal study in at least three humanities subjects. By comparison, among families whose children do not participate in homeschool groups, approximately half report formal instruction in three to four of the humanities subjects.

However, my analysis shows that homeschooled students are more likely to engage in activities outside the home that can contribute to cultural capital (see Figure 3). In comparing survey responses for homeschool and public-school families, I find homeschool families are 17 percentage points more likely to visit an art gallery or museum, 22 percentage points more likely to visit a library, and 17 percentage points more likely to attend an event sponsored by a community, religious, or ethnic group. They are also 8 percentage points more likely to visit a zoo or aquarium, and 7 percentage points more likely to visit a bookstore. These patterns seem to indicate that homeschooled students may gain exposure to cultural capital through excursions, alongside or in lieu of formal instruction.

Figure 3: Greater Participation in Cultural Activities for Homeschooled Students

I then investigate the likelihood of homeschooled students participating in family activities that may be associated with cultural capital and find similar results (see Figure 4). Compared to their public-school peers, homeschooled students are 17 percentage points more likely to do arts and crafts and 13 percentage points more likely to work on projects that entail building, making, or fixing an object with family. In addition, homeschool households are 9 percentage points more likely more likely to report playing sports or doing physical activities together.

In general, families where at least one parent has a college degree report greater participation in most activities, particularly culturally rich excursions like visiting museums and art galleries, going to bookstores and libraries, and attending live artistic performances. However, this well-documented association between parents’ education level and cultural activities is less evident for homeschool households. Homeschool families are the least likely to report having a parent or guardian with a college degree but are the most likely to indicate participation in cultural and family activities. Interestingly, less-educated homeschool families report more cultural and family activities than public- or private-school families where at least one parent has a college degree.

Figure 4: More Family Activities for Homeschooled Students

Looking Beyond Formal Instruction

While the practice of homeschooling seems to be undergoing a transformation, the debate and criticisms raised by Bartholet remain dominated by conventional assumptions and timeworn concerns. Worries about deprivation for homeschooled children do not appear substantiated by the survey findings I examine.

Homeschool families report higher rates of participation in cultural and family activities, suggesting that students have opportunities to acquire cultural capital outside of formal instructional time. Indeed, increased opportunities for hands-on learning may be a fundamental reason why some families opt to homeschool. Participation in these types of activities also may play a compensatory role, possibly offsetting what may be forfeited by not attending a traditional brick-and-mortar school. And it may offer a glimpse of the potential unique benefits to homeschooling, such as more frequent exposure to museums and art galleries and other community-based opportunities to engage with high culture.

This initial foray into the relationship between cultural capital and homeschooling underscores lines of inquiry for future research. Little is known about how homeschool parents attempt to teach art, music, and foreign languages. Furthermore, it remains uncertain whether a lack of instruction in humanities subjects among homeschool households signifies a rejection of conventional forms of instruction or is a consequence of unobserved barriers that these families face.

These findings cannot fully answer the concerns raised by Bartholet about child safety and homeschooling. Child neglect and abuse are urgent problems in some share of all families, and it is true that some children find refuge and access social-service supports through their schools. However, national survey data does not indicate that this is a concern for the majority. Critiques that homeschooled children grow up in cultural and social isolation may be overstated and mischaracterize the practice.

A richer understanding of homeschooling is especially relevant as families across the United States contemplate an uncertain return to full-time formal instruction in school buildings in the fall of 2020. Taking the activities of homeschool families as a guide, reduced classroom time or continued closures may potentially free up more time for different sorts of educational activities that parents and children can pursue at home. Even if museums and libraries remain closed, they have created rich online tours and educational programs in the wake of the pandemic, like those offered by the Smithsonian Museum of Natural History, the Louvre, NASA’s Langley Research Center, and the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Is the knowledge students gain from these sorts of activities equivalent to what they develop through experiences at school? What might be the benefits, as well as the limitations, of exploring education in this way on a broad scale? In the pandemic age, we may be about to find out.

Daniel Hamlin is assistant professor at the University of Oklahoma.

The post Homeschool Happens Everywhere appeared first on Education Next.

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Monday, July 27, 2020

The Education Exchange: Thomas Sowell’s “Charter Schools and Their Enemies”

A senior fellow and vice president for external affairs at the Thomas B. Fordham Institute, Robert Pondiscio, joins Paul E. Peterson to discuss Thomas Sowell’s new book, Charter Schools and Their Enemies, and the heavy criticism that charters currently face.

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